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   |   Strategies toward global democratization. What after unilateralism? NIGD, Network Institute for Global Democratization Seminar chair: D.L.SethCo-ordinators: Heikki Patomaki & Ruby van der Wekken
 Speakers: George Monbiot
 Cândido Grzybowski
 Heikki Patomaki
 Asthriesslav Rocust
 Jill Timms
 D.L.Seth
 
 George Monbiot opened the session by arguing that global democracy is the least
  worst response to the oppression of global powers. Elected representatives
  would give much more legitimacy and authority to any political organization,
  including those with global powers. The WTO is a clear demonstration why mere
  participation is not enough. True representation, with decision-making based
  on equality, would be desperately needed as well. Yet there are problems in
  translating this idea into reality. The European Parliament is a case in point:
  there is no enthusiasm for it in Europe. Thus, Monbiot suggested that consultations
  and referenda should be should be used systematically to explore the popularity
  and political feasibility of different proposals. He also warned that no democratic
  system is enough in itself. We have to constantly struggle for outcomes that
  are in accordance with non-violence, dignity and justice.
 Cândido Grzybowski, who has been deeply involved in the WSF process
        from its beginning, argued that this phenomena represents the only movement
        towards global democracy. He said it is unbelievable that the WSF is
        now in India, recalling how this idea came up in passing in the context
        of a June 2001 workshop organized by NIGD (more precisely, this idea
        emerged in Katajaharju’s sauna in Helsinki in a relaxed atmosphere).
        Otherwise, however, the achievements of the WSF process are rather mixed.
        The process has not achieved any real transformations as yet, and sometimes
        even a genuine internal dialogue is lacking, although all participants
        do accept different others in the movement. Grzybowski also outlined
        some basic principles of a more democratic world. Hunger must be eliminated.
        The emphasis must be on global production and the principle of subsidiarity.
        The WTO must be replaced with a very different kind of trade regime.
        Diversity in a multipolar world can be the only basis for working democracy. Jill Timms and Asthriesslav Rocust both presented projects on global
        civil society and its initiatives to democratize global governance. Jill
        Timms is involved in a London School of Economics based project, which
        produces – among other things – a global civil society handbook
        every year. She stressed that the project aims at being part of the global
        civil society itself. The potential of global civil society remains unexercised,
        however, because global civil society is all too often seen in donor
        terms. Perhaps the best example of its political success thus far is
        the formation of International Criminal Court.  Rocust, in turn, explained a large-scale survey and analysis of civil
        society proposals that the UNESCO Chair in Catalonia, Spain, is conducting.
        The challenge is to define a representative sample of proposals, a kind
        of “planetary equilibrium” of surveyed organizations. The
        project aims, first, at finding whether there are points of agreement
        and, second, summarizing these points of agreement in a draft document.
        This draft document will be discussed on the internet, through interactive
        participation. In fact, this project has already taken some steps towards
        meeting Monbiot’s call for a systematic exploration of the popularity
        and political feasibility of different proposals, although it only surveys
        politically active NGOs and the like. As elucidated by Heikki Patomaki, the NIGD approach has been somewhat
        different, perhaps in a complementary fashion. Instead of popular referenda
        and surveys, the problems and merits of various proposals have been analyzed
        systematically in terms of their justification, support, effects, feasibility
        and viability. The outcome is a strategy for global democratic change.
        No change will take place without strategic alliances between transnational
        civic networks, Southern states and some like-minded Northern states.
        Financial reforms must be the first priority, given that many of the
        most immediate forms of dependency and oppression are based on the mechanisms
        of global finance. The currency transaction tax and a debt arbitration
        mechanism would strengthen the rule of law, reduce illegitimate dependency
        and create global funds that can be used for global common goods. Moreover,
        these financial reforms would make many states more autonomous in the
        WTO negotiations, making it possible to revise the logic of “free
        trade” and democratize WTO mechanisms. D.L.Seth commented and criticized these presentations, sparking a passionate
        debate, particularly with Monbiot. Seth seemed to assume that Monbiot’s
        vision implies a world parliament and thereby also a world government.
        A world government would abolish diversity and reproduce the elitism
        of national liberal democracies. He argued that we should rather emphasize
        the potential of local communities and economies. Seth also criticized
        the synthesizing exercises of Timms and Rocust. Seth was suspicious about
        the existence of truly global civil society and maintained that civil
        society tends to be tied to particular contexts, which usually means
        trouble in other contexts. Moreover, this kind of civil society may easily
        end up strengthening the prevailing structures of power. And although
        Rocust may have been sincere in seeking a “planetary equilibrium”,
        Seth had also problems with this positivist numerical exercise. Finally
        Seth also criticized Patomaki for overlooking the importance of continuous
        de-legitimation of existing institutions. In the final and sometimes animated debate, Monbiot defended his position
        by denying that he is aiming at a world government. A distinction has
        to be made between a world parliament and world state. Patomaki clarified
        that when democracy is globalized, our political imagination must be
        freed from its captivity with the modern sovereign state. Thus the meaning
        of “parliament” may have to be rethought as well. Timms defended
        herself by saying that the LSE project involves problematization of the
        concept of civil society and its use. And Rocust pointed out that the
        point of her project is precisely to empower civic actors. At the end
        there was a general feeling that these discussions had been useful in
        clarifying many of the issues and explaining how to proceed further from
        here. 
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