GUATEMALA’S
Social revolution
In December of 1944
Jose Arevalo, a university professor became the first elected president of
Guatemala. Under Arevalo a new
constitution was written which included provisions for a strong presidency, an elected
representative body, and a supreme court.
Arevalo’s administration allowed unprecedented freedoms but was still
considered moderately conservative.
Teachers and some industrial workers were allowed to unionize somewhat,
but were denied the right to strike. The
new government made no provisions for the organization or representation of the
rural peasantry, which made up 70%-80% of the population. Also, under the new administration the army
remained very powerful and for the most part outside of the control of the
government.
As Arevalo’s term was
coming to an end, there appeared to be two possible successors. Major Francisco Arana, who was backed by
conservative interests, attempted to secure his ascension to power by seizing
the presidency from Arevalo in 1949.
Arana was killed by forces loyal to Arevelo. This solidified the succession of his chief
rival Jacabo Arbenz who was also a former military officer, but was far more
progressive than Arana. Arbenz won the
elections of 1950 by a landslide, but no one suspected that he would attempt to
implement widespread social change.
Arbenz primary goal was economically developing Guatemala so that it
could become independent of foreign influence.
He soon found that the only politicians that shared his view for
empowering the country were those of the far left, including the communists.
(Karabell 97-100)
President Jacabo Arbenz
www.nodo50.org/cbc/ noticia/manual.htm
Arbenz’s plan for economic
development centered on reforming the feudalistic land divisions of the
Guatemalan countryside. In 1952 he
presented Decree 900 to the representative assembly. This was a land reform bill that he had drawn
up with the help of his close advisors, many of whom were communists or had
communist leanings. The decree was more
capitalist than communist, however, as it divided land into individual holdings
instead of collectivization. The land reform initiative took conservative and
moderate Guatemalans by surprise. It was
opposed by land owning Ladinos, the
Catholic Church, and the conservative press.
Arbenz went through with the plan despite the opposition. Under Decree 900 uncultivated lands on
estates over 675 acres were subject to expropriation. The former land owners would be compensated
with 25 year bonds based on the value of the land as was reported on property
tax returns.
Bananas-
a major cash crop
www.mdweil.com/ banana_tree_lg.htm
In order to bring about this land
reform Arbenz formed an agrarian based bureaucracy. This organized and politicized the
country-side, something entirely new.
This alarmed conservative land-owners as well as the middle class because
empowering 75% of the population that had formerly been politically dormant
threatened the power structure of the country.
For the most part Arbenz agrarian reform was a success. In 18 months 100,000 peasant families
benefited from the redistribution of lands.
During this same time agricultural production remained steady. Of Guatemala’s 341,000 landowners only 1700
were affected by the expropriations, but these 1700 had previously owned about
half of Guatemala’s arable land.
Arbenz’s plan for economic development also
included a replacement of foreign controlled infrastructure. His first focus, however, was land
reform. While he was focusing on the
countryside the urban populations began to feel neglected and uneasy about the
empowerment of the peasantry. This
public was easily influenced by the conservative land-owners and press and soon
questioned Arbenz’s loyalties and affiliation with the communists. (Gleijeses
453-475)